Armatiarum Asianae et Europianae (Description of Asian and European Sarmatia), a
Armatiarum Asianae et Europianae (Description of Asian and European Sarmatia), a work re-published in Italian, which referred to Lithuania as Litialia and its people today at Litali, and confirmed the derivation of Vilnius from Vilia (Miechowita 1521, lib. two, cap. II 1561, p. 96). Sixteenth-century theorist Michalo (or Michalonis) Lituanus opined: “Nos Lituani ex Italico sanguine oriundi sumus” (We Lithuanians are descended from Italian blood) (Lituanos 1642, p. 246).18 That Dlugosz had not simply traveled himself towards the urbe various instances but in addition served as tutor to the royal sons–including the future saint Kazimierz (Knoll 1982, p. 9)–underscores the transcultural Italian and Lithuanian imbrications embodied and sanctified in the prince. Dlugosz’s biography also retraced the trajectory that linked the theory of Lithuanian magnates’ origins for the geographical idea of Sarmatia, an notion central in Dlugosz’s scholarly oeuvre that had its personal classical pedigree (Kulicka 1980). Sarmatia and Sarmatian selfhood likewise proved essential in Jagiellonian hagiography starting with Ferreri, who made use of Sarmatia interchangeably with Lithuania. This underlines how conceptual geography, and its attending identity formation had been intrinsically linked to promotion of Kazimierz’s cult, and specifically to the re-fashioning from the prince as a venerable saint purportedly much less “modern” than in Dansyl chloride reality. The authoritative Geography by Claudius Ptolemy (c. 1000 CE), which proved a strong influence on early modern geography and cartography, situated Scythia east and north of a area termed Sarmatia (Dilke 1984). Ferreri’s text referred towards the Commonwealth as Sarmatia aligned with histories of the ancient Sarmatians, whose conquest on the Scythians in what would develop into the territories of Poland ithuania. This figured as a prolepsis for Catholicism’s subjection of heresies, schisms, and sects in the area.19 The transhistorical association was galvanized in the 1570 map of European Sarmatia by Polish doctor Andrzej Pograbka (or Pograbius, d. 1602) ready soon after the Union of Lublin.20 The trope of “New Rome” appeared across late medieval arly modern foundational accounts of Lithuania (Stryjkowski 1582, p. 75; Chojnicka 2010). In addition, it featured inside a parallel origins story tracing probably the most prominent lines of Lithuanian nobility back to Roman patrician Palemon, supposedly in the line of Claudius (Suchocki 1987, pp. 590), whose immigration north with a group of compatriots for the duration of the reign of Nero implied their pious Christianity.21 The Phenylacetylglutamine manufacturer Jageillons have been held to possess descended from amongst Palemon’s comrades and fellow noble refugees (Orzel 2019, p. 173). In his influential histories of your later sixteenth century which include Kronika polska, litewska, zm zka y wszystkiej Rusi (Chronicle of Poland, Lithuania, Samogitia and all of Ruthenia), Polish polymath Maciej Stryjkowski (c. 15473) compared Palemon’s journey north in search of divinely promised lands of plenty to these of classical epic, specially Aeneas’s flight from Troy, which perpetuated the analogy involving Italy/Rome and Lithuania (Stryjkowski 1582, pp. 725; Orzel 2019, p. 175). The Palemon legend was widely promulgated (and probably invented) across Italian Renaissance humanist texts in the fourteenth ifteenth centuries.22 By the seventeenth century the topos, which beneath the aegis of Catholic Counter-Reform served to galvanize the Commonwealth leading elites’ ties to Rome even though also elevating the status.